25 Jun 25, 2010 - 9:38:58 AM
The Somaliland opposition party KULMIYE dropping the former Somali National Movement (SNM) rebels from its ranks and surrounding itself with educated elite not only mobilizes fervent party supporters in Somaliland but also persuades Somaliland Diasporas to change their political allegiances. More important, never before has the ruling party UDUB’s failure to create jobs combined with its vicious smear campaign against KULMIYE resulted a formidable obstacle facing the governing coterie to secure a victory in the upcoming presidential elections.
Now, how KULMIYE gains popularity in the country and in abroad may be debatable, but few doubt that much of the party’s achievements are credited to its leader’s patience and wisdom. What makes KULMIYE’s top leader Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Mohamud Silanyo a favourable presidential candidate is his diplomatic, logical approach to conflicts. Even if you know little about him and his party, as an observer you would notice that his endurance, patience and vigilance assure KULMIYE to gain the competitive edge over its rival UDUB during the pre-election campaigns.
As history attests, Mr. Silanyo always takes the highroad to salvage Somaliland from potential disasters when the nation is at its worst political crossroad. Consequently, more than never before KULMIYE attracts young Somalilanders and Diaspora communities.
What the young generations and the expatriates yearn for are changes: changes that UDUB fails to deliver in Somaliland. And the changes are not limited to within only Somaliland but also Somalia. For almost two decades the Somaliland policy remains rigid and illogical towards Somalia’s crises: the Somaliland government not only refuses to mediate Somalia’s warring factions but also intimidates Somaliland elders’ countless efforts to end the carnage in Mogadishu , Somalia’s capital.
Today, many Somaliland citizens, Diasporas, intellectuals, politicians, army commanders, human rights groups, religious and civic society leaders are convinced the longer Somalia remains in turmoil, the longer Somaliland stays in limbo.
Above all, the constant spillover from Somalia’s anarchy already reshaped the landscape of Hargeisa, Somaliland capital. In October 2008 a massive terrorist attacks—three suicides devastated Hargeisa. Over twenty-two citizens’ bodies were reduced to ashes by the blasts. The targets included the presidential palace, UNDP’s headquarters and Ethiopia’s commercial office in Hargeisa.
Similarly, in the provincial capital of Sool region, LasAnnod has witnessed at least ten terrorist attacks carried out by Al-Shabab and its dormant supporters in the last ten months. A number of Somaliland officials—including the governor of Sool region Farah Askar Hussein sustained injuries from bomb attacks. Worse yet, the commander of Somaliland’s 12th infantry division Col. Osman Yusuf lost his life, instantly, after a remote controlled bomb hit his vehicle.
Doubtless, if the current Somaliland government mediated Somalia’s feuding factions two decades ago, today Somaliland would have shielded itself from Al-Shabab’s relentless terror attacks. Instead, Somaliland remained illogical. Soon Hargeisa may have to negotiate with a government run by Al-Shabab—a terror group bent to decimate Somaliland into a heap of rubble.
Whether some people perceive resurrecting Somalia tantamount to supporting Somali unity or not, one thing is clear: the sooner Somalia regains its sanity, the faster the divorce process between Somaliland and Somalia begins—this is inevitable. And as Mr. Silanyo himself stated in the past, “ Somaliland’s independence is irreversible and nonnegotiable.”
More upsetting than Somaliland’s rigidity is its unshakable clan doctrine. Many Somalilanders want to rid of the Somaliland’s political system: the unwritten code—the clan monarchy—of appointing a leader to an office. Currently, the selection is primarily based on clan quota, not on leadership skills or on education. For instance, if a member of clan X resigns, deceases or his/her term in office ends, his/her distance cousin from the same clan takes the seat: not for Somaliland but for the clan. Whether the new member is qualified to govern is irrelevant; balancing the clan quota and pleasing the clan leaders is, however, far important than putting the interest of the nation first. Sadly, we remain far more loyal to our tribes and clans than to our country, or: to Islam.
Disobeying this clan dogma, however, could trigger an earthquake. Also, just like the rest of the Africans, we are not immune to the deep-rooted clan ideologies which shake our faith and compromise our free thinking. But many citizens are now determined to challenge the devil—the tribal institutionalization (an inescapable, mental illness) which cripples our society beyond repair.
Of course, whether ten members from clan X are appointed to top posts or only one is selected neither bestows the rest of the clan members with prosperity nor submerges them in poverty. So then how much education, leadership and public relation skills a leader poses should be used as the yardstick to measure whether a potential candidate is seasoned enough to take responsibility. Truly, Somalilanders yearn for leaders who grasp the geopolitics of the region, not inept, clueless, incompetent totalitarians scrapped from the bottom of the barrel—a leader wannabes serving the interest of their tribes and clans, instead of Somaliland’s. Interminably, Somalilanders implore for changes—changes impatiently expected from KULMIYE to deliver.
On the Economy: Looting the Nation
Somaliland, an autocratic state disguised as a democratic republic also resembles the typical African kleptocracy regime. Top government officials live large while citizens struggle.
For UDUB, ruling the country from 2003 to 2010, seven years down the drain: apart from looting the meagre resources collected through taxes, its policies discourage the Diaspora communities to invest into Somaliland. Usually, if you attempt to bring a new technology into the country or investments, the main obstacle would be none other than the officials who demand a cut. As the result, many potential investors remain in overseas, hoping that one day a bona fide leader would take office; others take their businesses to the neighbouring countries. For instance, Dahabshiil opened a bank in Djibouti. Why not in Somaliland? Perhaps, Dahabshiil couldn’t put up with the Somaliland officials’ demands: me, myself, and I first and hell with rest.
Yet another unforgettable and heart-aching example is: the Somaliland businessman who brought the equipments for a small dairy product manufacturing plant from Germany to Somaliland about seven years ago. And once he could not satisfy all the bureaucrats’ greed, he was compelled to move the equipments to Uganda where he faced less hassle and the plant created jobs for thirty employees within twenty-eight days. Thanks to UDUB! Way to go Somaliland!
Understandably, since the government lacks recognition, establishing bilateral economic relations with other countries or soliciting foreign companies to invest into Somaliland remains unattainable. It is granted that the government’s ability is limited. No doubt! But then why not privatize the economy: banks, infrastructure companies, cement and fish factories, and others. Similarly, giving the Diaspora communities the opportunities to reconstruct roads and collect tolls could boost the economy where farmer, fishers and livestock owners could trade easily. Instead, the economy is in shambles. Also, the government could reap millions of dollars in taxes by establishing a free trade zone and wooing the 74 million landlocked Ethiopians to use port Berbera of Somaliland for imports and exports. But instead of focusing on rebuilding the economy, evoking fake nationalism and screaming about security threats—some real, others imaginary—dominate the government’s agendas.
As history attests, African dictators never miss the opportunity to preach about two things: a phoney nationalism which paradoxically none other than the junta leaders themselves destroy by looting their countries’ wealth and “depositing” (money laundering schemes) billions of dollars in Swiss banks while keeping millions of citizens in poverty or worse yet: starving them to death. And an interminable security threat (or paranoia) to their regimes—a threat that dictators themselves create by abusing human rights, asphyxiating the opposition groups with oversized pillows, denying the populaces their freedom of expression and the opportunity to earn a decent living.
Similarly, today Somaliland leaders are precisely on the footsteps of the more experienced—of course in brutality and looting—African totalitarians. Yet in the annals of Africa’s oppressive regimes, few tyrants receive a dignified burial. Take Somalia’s despot Gen. Mohammed Siad Barre as an example.
The Witch-hunt against KULMIYE Party
The ruling party UDUB’s ignorance towards creating a viable economy is matched by its repugnant attacks against KULMIYE. But these witch-hunts, if anything, remain a blessing in disguise for Mr. Silanyo. That is: the more UDUB spits out a nonsensical, malignant propaganda against KULMIYE, the sooner many citizens question the UDUB leaders’ intellectual capacities and leadership skills.
Clearly, KULMIYE reshapes its strategies—going from rebels to statesmen. It also pipes down its fiery politically-incorrect rhetoric which undermines its credibility as a party. Unfortunately, some KULMIYE members such as: its former vice chairman, Abdrihman Tol’waa called: Faqash (an offensive term used towards those who collaborated/worked with Gen. Siad Barre’s doomed regime) anyone who challenged KULMIYE. Also its current vice chairman, Muse Bihi Abdi, the former Minister of Defence for Mohammed Ibrahim Igal, Somaliland’s second president, was asked in 1995 during the peak of the brief inter-cal skirmishing in Somaliland why he was reluctant to negotiate or sign peace with his fellow Somalilanders who opposed his regime. Mr. Bihi responded, “Anigoo wax dili karaya nabad qaadan mayo…or while I can kill (another Somalilander) I won’t take peace”. He neither recanted his remarks nor gave an apology. Worse yet, today, he is at the helm of KULMIYE’s leadership. But why Somalilanders would elect a warmonger who once bragged about how he could butcher Somalilanders while they could have an educated, charismatic leader with a clean record in office? Fifteen years latter, his words haunt him. Could you imagine Mr. Abdi taking office as the president of Somaliland in the near future? Surely, KULMIYE still needs to do some cleanup. In all fairness to Mr. Abdi, of course, former National Security Service of Somalia (NSS) members, Gen. Barre’s Gestapo, currently dominate Somaliland’s top leaders, so if they could be forgiven, so could he be exonerated. But it is up to him to ask for forgiveness.
Other members repeat how they liberated Somaliland from the “fungus”—literally this is how they put it—that is running the show now. Now whether KULMIYE’s warmongering tactic is exaggerated, imaginary or real, it became an indispensable propaganda tool used by UDUB against KULMIYE. But evidently, as UDUB hogged power, suffocated freedom of expression, and turned Somaliland into a police state, much of KULMIYE leaders’ regrettable remarks which have been repeatedly used as propaganda tools are forgotten. Read Somaliland hostage to peace: http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/HRW_ThreatsHumanRightsDemocracy_Somaliland.pdf
Somaliland’s Biggest Threat—Is Not Alshabab; But, Al-UDUB
No sooner does UDUB’s propaganda tool wear out than Al-Shabab popes up out of nowhere. In other words, the UDUB (or Al-UDUB) party adopts Al-Shabab as the new combat cane-sword to slice KULMIYE’s flesh. Not once, not twice, but repeatedly UDUB accuses KULMIYE of having ties with the terrorist group Al-Shabab in Somalia. But does this ludicrous accusations work? If anything, these insane accusations—an insult to our intelligence—severely damage UDUB’s credibility and raise KULMIYE’s status.
Today, many Somalilanders, perhaps the majority, support KULMIYE. Now, as the government accuses, if KULMIYE is affiliated with Al-Shabab, then so are the majority of Somalilanders. In that case, why not invite Al-Shabab to Somaliland and have chaos dance on our peaceful streets.
Hypocritically, the officials scream obnoxiously about Al-Shabab terrorists and their dormant supporters in Somaliland while blatantly accusing KULMIYE of having ties with extremist groups, however; what the bureaucrats conveniently avoid mentioning is that in fact: it is none other than their gluttonous, selfish policy that has compelled some Somaliland youth to either join Al-Shabab or perish in a disastrous sea voyages in search for a better life or remain hooked to local drugs called Khat (or chat). In other words, Al-Shabab’s foothold in Somaliland unambiguously correlates to UDUB’s failure to create a viable economy, although the party voluntarily and spectacularly performs table dances for any Western leader who whispers about curbing terrorism in East Africa.
Without a doubt, the biggest threat to our nation is the lack of creating a viable economy which leads to desperation. And desperate people make desperate attempts to alleviate their ordeals whether they join Al-Shabab, plummet into Oceans, or upraise against the government. This is one thing UDUB failed to foresee. Instead, the government discourages private investment and economic growth through policies that demand bribes.
When (not if) defeated in the upcoming June elections, the UDUB party may refuse to step down. As the result, Somaliland could be on the verge of a total collapse—a disaster predicted two years ago. In 2008, I wrote an article entitled, “Is Somaliland a democratic state in East Africa or a tinder box waiting to explode?”
Ignorantly or naively, the West could ignite an inferno in Somaliland by backing up the wrong horse: Somaliland’s current President, Mr. Dahir Riyale Kahin because of his commendable, impressive ability to snatch terrorists from their dens and round them up like wild horses with meagre resources available could convince the West to keep him in office. Inadvertently, the war on terror could undermine Somaliland’s stability and turn it into a heaven for terrorists. That is: if the government rigs the votes or refuses to conceit a defeat while receiving Western backing, Somaliland could go down the drain. Therefore, the war on terror should not be fought at our expense.
But UDUB’s strategy—of spitting out a bucket of nails—towards KULMIYE respects no bounds. For instance, after the new Foreign Secretary of KULMIYE, Dr. Mohamed Abdullahi Omar and Mr. Silanyo met the Chairman of the congressional hearings about Somalia, Donald Payne, the Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ahmed Adan Ismail vowed to exile Mr. Silayo because the KULMIYE leader met the “enemy” of Somaliland. Mr. Ismail states, “Mr. Silanyo should be barred to return home unless the government grants him an amnesty because of his meeting with Donald Payne.”
But what Mr. Ismail conveniently avoided mentioning was much of the freedom that he [Mr. Ismail] enjoys in Somaliland—including the freedom that allows him to entertain himself by very much stating (or sleep talking): “Mr. Silanyo will remain in exile if he doesn’t dance to the government’s tunes”, was indeed the freedom that not only Mr. Ismail but many of us owe to Mr. Silanyo. Whether we like Mr. Silanyo or not, whether we support his party or not—one thing is clear: he librated Somaliland from Gen. Siad Barre’s junta regime.
Ironically, the liberated folks such as, Mr. Ismail now roll up their sleeves to intimidate those who set them free in early 90s, when the likes of Mr. Ismail begged for animal rights because human rights were unattainable. Mr. Ismail, yet another immature politician wannabe in Somaliland government, clearly lacks the most rudimentary leadership and PR skills. But is he the only? Of course not!
Conclusion
From the dawn of Somaliland’s rebirth in 1991 to present, Mr. Silanyo, his party, or anyone associated with him have been smeared with ludicrous accusations of supporting Somali unity, being warmongers, and having ties with Al-Shabab terrorists without a tinge of evidence. But paradoxically, as the baseless accusations have grown, so has KULMIYE’s popularity.
The realpolitik (the ruse) of UDUB demonstrates its innate talents for fabricating stories against KULMIYE. However, what UDUB fails to grasp is that much of Mr. Silanyo’s popularity is credited to UDUB’s stupidity—the senseless attacks against his party.
Also, UDUB’s inability to provide jobs for millions of young Somalilanders and reluctance to privatize the economy is in fact attracting Al-Shabab terrorists to recruit frustrated young Somalilnders, where thousands more perish in catastrophic sea voyages. However, the biggest threat against Somaliland today is not Al-Shabab; but, Al-UDUB (or UDUB).
As for KULMIYE, learning from UDUB’s blunders, perhaps Mr. Silanyo would at least privatize the crumbled economy to create jobs for the young generations to discourage them joining terror groups. Additionally, Mr. Silanyo’s upcoming possible government should upgrade port Berbera to completely lure all Ethiopian imports/exports to go through the port.
Understandably, we are optimistic and, of course, apprehensive about what the future holds for our country. And only time will tell whether KULMIYE’s leadership could transform Somaliland into a modern state, but realistically and objectively speaking: do we have an alternative to Mr. Silanyo as the new president of Somaliland in June 26, 2010? No way Jose!
This writing belongs to Dalmar kaahin and its soly based on his Opinion
Dalmar Kaahin
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